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Andreas Schockenhoff usually voices the real position of German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the eastern direction of German foreign policy. First of all it concerns Russia. In the government of Angela Merkel, Dr. Schockenhoff has served as Coordinator for German-Russian cooperatio, and in the Bundestag is deputy chairman of the ruling CDU.
In the government of Angela Merkel, Andreas Schockenhoff acts as a sort of “bad cop,” who reported criticisms of Berlin on Putin’s policy in certain areas to the Russian side. Recently, Dr. Schockenhoff has got interested in Ukraine. In light of the recent “Ukraine-EU” summit we decided that he could voice some position of Germany on the European future of Ukraine. Given that beliefs of Angela Merkel on Ukrainian integration are considered among key ones.Dr. Schockenhoff, usually IWP communicates with renowned international decision-makers either in the course of public discussions, or in the format of videoconference with world capitals, or in the mode of “off the record”. This time we want to make an exception and to record a full interview with you, because of the influence of your voice in German diplomacy. Mr. Schockenhoff, what is today the key obstacle in relations between Ukraine and Germany?

Germany and the European Union have offered Ukraine a close association with Europe. It is an offer many other countries would crave for: a close alliance with the EU in the framework of an Association Agreement, including a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement and the adoption of the EU acquis. It is an offer to support Ukraine on a way to sustainable reforms and comprehensive modernisation. It is the offer for a long-term and far-reaching rapprochement between Ukraine, Germany and the EU as a whole. If Ukraine accepts this offer, we have a framework to solve all open issues and create a better and common future for both our countries.

How do you perceive prospects of the process of Ukraine’s integration in the European Union and, specifically, the signing of the Association Agreement by the end of this year?

2013 is probably the “mother of all years” since Ukraine’s independence. The signing of the Association Agreement presents a great “window of opportunity” for Ukraine. But we all know: such windows are rare and must be used! The EU-Ukraine summit on 25 January should set a clear signal that this window will be used. Ukraine will have to make a clear choice between moving towards association with Europe or re-integration in the post-Soviet space. The road to signing the Association Agreement at the Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in November is set by the benchmarks defined by the conclusions of the EU Foreign Affairs Council of 10 December 2012. The plan of priority measures adopted by after the visit of EU-Commissioner Fule to Kyiv shows that the Ukrainian government is taking the proposed reforms seriously. But time is pressing. To keep the 2013 deadline, things have to move much more quickly. We need tangible progress until April or May at the latest.

The European Union has repeatedly emphasized that the signing of the Association Agreement is possible only after the release of representatives of the opposition from prison. At the same time, Ukrainian authorities, as it seems to be, are eager to sign the document without meeting this demand. What is your vision of the resolution of this dilemma?

The solution is clear: The EU is asking for “decisive actions” and tangible progress in three areas – elections, selective justice and progress on the association agenda, especially in the rule of law. There is no way around it: the issues of selective justice and legal reforms are central for any association with the European Union. Since 2010, we have seen many steps backwards and too few forward in Ukraine. Selective justice against the political opposition is totally incompatible with European standards. The EU has condemned the trials and sentences against former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko and former interior minister Yuri Luzenko as politically motivated. The European Court of Human Rights has declared Mr. Luzenko’s pre-trial detention illegal, other verdicts are pending. Ukraine is legally bound to implement the decisions by the ECHR.

Could be the issue resolved if the ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko would be transferred to Germany for medical treatment?

Ultimately, the issue can only be resolved if Ukraine takes concrete steps to strengthen the rule of law and reforms its judiciary. Her case is part of a much larger systemic crisis of the Ukrainian judiciary. This can only be solved by systemic reforms. In its verdict on the case of judge Oleksandr Volkov, the European Court for Human Rights has clearly pointed out the spectrum of “systemic problems” in Ukraine’s legal system. These range from politically-motivated pressure on judges to what is ultimately a lack of separation of powers. This is where substantial reforms have to start.

Mr. Schockenhoff, as it claimed in the recent publications in the media, the dialogue between Moscow and Berlin has seen a certain level of alienation. As Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Coordinator for German-Russian cooperation, what impact of this shift could have on Ukraine and its relations with the European Union?

In relations with the Russian Federation, Germany seeks an open dialogue, also on critical issues. This must be possible among partners and in any partnership, also with Ukraine. But our relations are very different. With Moscow we pursue a Modernisation Partnership, with Ukraine a close association with the European Union. We have a clear interest that Ukraine defines its future in a European orientation. In principle, Article 49 of the Lisbon Treaty offers Ukraine an EU-perspective. I think that this perspective is still possible. But it will require serious changes and reforms!

You might notice the polemics in the public discourse regarding possible integration of Ukraine into Customs Union which is perceived as a kind of reincarnation of the Soviet Union. Some analysts say it is Ukrainian bluff to get Association Agreement signing. Other observers underline that Ukraine will be inevitably pulled in Customs Union if the EU will reject any European prospect for Kyiv. What is your perception of these debates?

It is not a question of bluffs. As I have said, Ukraine is facing a strategic choice. It has to choose between a close association with Europe or reintegration in the post-Soviet space under Russian domination. I am certain that a large majority of Ukrainian society wants a “return to Europe”, including the adoption of European standards and norms, and not a return under Moscow’s tutelage.

Which integration process of Ukraine is of more interest to Germany – into the European Union or into the Customs Union?

Germany has always made clear where its interest lies: in a democratic, modern and open Ukraine closely associated with the European Union.

In the recent meeting between newly-appointed head of the Ukrainian MFA Leonid Kozhara and his Russian colleague Sergey Lavrov, the latter stated that “Russia sees no contradiction between Ukraine’s rapprochement with the European institutions and the deepening integration in the CIS.” What is your perception on Ukraine retaining two vectors in its foreign policy?

Of course, there is a contradiction. Russia is the first to know. Ukraine is the geo-strategic and economic centre piece for a “Eurasian Union” under Russian dominance. This is why Moscow is putting so much pressure on Kyiv. But Ukraine cannot have the cake and eat it. The two integration processes are incompatible. Ukraine has to make a strategic and systemic choice. A choice about two very different paths for the future of the country. A choice of historic consequence. Only the European choice can guarantee Ukraine’s sovereignty and will lead to a sustained economic and social development.

Ukraine has recently started its chairmanship at the OSCE at the same time being criticized by the ODIHR for abuses in the course of recently held elections. Moreover, Western governments expressed their concerns about Ukraine’s sliding to authoritarianism. How does such perception of Ukraine influence the ability to implement its agenda for the presidency?

Ukraine’s chairmanship of the OSCE is both a chance and a challenge. I hope that Ukraine will be able to use it. In a first step, Ukraine should set its own record straight. We expect Ukraine to apply the 30 recommendations in the OSZE/ODIHR’s report of 2012. We expect the elections to be repeated in five electoral districts to be fair and transparent. The same is true for elections for the Mayor of Kyiv in May. This would strengthen the OSZE chairmanship considerably. It would also be the best option to implement Ukraine’s own agenda for its chairmanship.

One of the key problems of Ukraine’s European integration is the presence of visa regime between the EU and Ukraine. Could Ukraine be sure that after resolving all technical issues there will be political will on the side of Germany to cancel the visa regime?

We have all interest to make substantial progress on visa liberalization with Ukraine. It would be an important signal for Ukraine’s path to Europe, especially for Ukrainian citizens. Important measures were passed by the European Commission in 2012 and are just waiting for ratification by the European Parliament. Now it is in Ukraine’s hands to implement the EU’s action plan. So far, not all legislative conditions for concluding the first phase are fulfilled. But the example of Moldova, which has already achieved the second phase, shows that progress can be made more quickly.

Despite all the above-mentioned criticism, Mr. Schockenhoff, what are three major expectations from Germany on Ukraine’s chairmanship at the OSCE?

The first, of course, is that Ukraine implements the OSCE recommendations on its own election system. Second, to defend fair and independent election monitoring within the OSCE. Third, to take on the issue of press freedom, another important core theme of the OSCE. At the same time, the themes proposed by Ukraine – combating human trafficking, energy security and environment and support for youth initiatives have also great relevance.

In recent years, Germany has been actively involved in the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. What exactly do you think could Ukraine do to alter the status quo?

We welcome any active involvement of Ukraine in the settlement of regional conflicts in the CIS. Foreign Minister Leonid Kozhara has said that a breakthrough in the Transnistrian conflicts is a priority of Ukraine’s OSZE chairmanship. But ultimately the key for solving this – and other – regional conflicts in the CIS lies in Moscow. It remains to be seen whether the joint action plan drawn up during the recent meeting the Russian and Ukrainian foreign ministers can achieve substantial progress. As a direct neighbour of Transnistria, Ukraine has more levers than others. I hope that Ukraine diplomacy can use these levers skillfully.

How would you define the level of soft power of Ukraine in Germany? What would you recommend to increase the level of recognition of Ukraine in Germany and enhance its positive image?

I don’t believe in image campaigns. It is best to let facts speak for themselves. If Ukraine opts for closer association with the European Union it will have no image problem. Visible attempts to apply European standards and norms would be the best soft power tools for Ukraine. Not only in Germany, but in Europe as a whole.

The Director of the Institute of World Policy Alyona Getmanchuk has received the letter from the President of the European Parliament Martin Schulz where he declared his support of the Declaration of Ukrainian civil society for signing the Association Agreement. Also, the research director of the Institute of Euro-Atlantic Cooperation Oleksandr Sushko and the Deputy director General of Razumkov Center Valerij Chalyi received copies of the letter.Martin Schulz welcomed the efforts of Institute of World Policy and the Ukrainian civil society in promoting Ukraine’s European choice and eagerness to play an active role in implementing the Association Agreement , which, in his opinion, could be crucial in the modernization of Ukraine.

The President stressed that the European Parliament has always firmly promoted conclusion and entry into force of the Agreement. Martin Schulz, said that although the Ukrainian government is responsible for decisive action in the reform and meeting requirements necessary for signature AA, but the European Parliament will not take standing by position, but rather join the constructive and intensive cooperation with Ukrainian parliamentarians and civil society to advance the process of reforms.

The text of the letter in English and Ukrainian translation is available

here

We would like to remind that on December 7th, at the Institute of World Policy, the declaration addressing the leadership of the EU to sign the Association Agreement in 2013 was published. The declaration was signed by more than 50 experts.

The text can be found:
here

Sorry, this entry is only available in Ukrainian.

During the days of the IWP in the European Parliament, the Institute of World Policy in presented the exhibition of political cartoons “Ukraine through the eyes of neighbors”, publication of the first Euro exit poll conducted by the Institute during Euro-2012, as well as research “How to get rod of post-Sovietness?”These projects were prepared as part of the project implemented under “Ukraine National Initiatives to Enhance Reforms” (UNITER), funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and implemented by Pact in Ukraine
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Director of the IWP Alyona Getmanchuk and the first deputy director of the IWP Serhiy Solodky
Events were held in the European Parliament with the support of MEP Siiri Oviir. Journalists, diplomats, experts of leading think tanks, members of the European Parliament took part in those events.
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Visitors of the EP had a chance to view thirty cartoons, which were created by artists from Poland, Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, Belarus and Georgia
During the official opening Siiri Oviir stated: “I have been supporting European integration of Ukraine for a long time. It is a great honor for me to support the initiatives of civil society and, in particular, the one of the Institute of World Policy.”
{3}Representative of Armenia to the EU Avet Adonts discusses the presentation of the IWP with the Member of the European Parliament Siiri Oviir, the representatives of the IWP Alyona Getmanchuk and Victor Shlinchak/i>

In turn, the Chair of the Supervisory Board of the Institute of World Policy Victor Shlinchak said that the goal of the Institute of World Policy is to “to draw attention to Ukraine as a strategic partner of the EU.” “Symbolically that the activities of the Institute are taking place during the days of the EU-Ukraine summit,” – he emphasized.
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Organizers of the exhibition in the European parliament MEP Siiri Oviir, Chair of the Supervisory Board of the IWP Victor Shlinchak, Director of the IWP Alyona Getmanchuk and the first deputy director of the IWP Serhiy Solodky
Chair of the Supervisory Board of the IWP asserted that “for us it is very important not only how Ukrainians represent themselves, but also how other nations perceive Ukrainians, including the EU states. So we asked artists from seven countries, to depict association that Ukraine evokes. We want real change and want to see Ukraine as mature democratic country that may become a potential regional leader. ”

Victor Shlinchak also stressed that IWP assists Ukraine moving toward Europe.
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Siiri Oviir emphasized that she has been supporting European vector of Ukraine for a long time
As we have previously mentioned, the days of the Institute of World Politics in the European Parliament are intended to emphasize the strategic importance of Ukraine for the future of the European community at the time when the European vector of Ukraine is under threat, and to demonstrate the European aspirations of Ukraine’s civil society.
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Victor Shlinchak stressed on the importance of cooperation between Ukrainian civil society and Europaen institutions for the rapprochement of Ukraine and the EU

During the visit, the IWP was represented by Chair of the Supervisory Board of the IWP Victor Shlinchak, Director of the IWP Alyona Getmanchuk and the first deputy director of the IWP Serhiy Solodky
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Guests of exhibition
In the course of two days, representatives of the IWP held meetings with members of the European Parliament, representatives of the European Commission, the Head of the Mission of Ukraine to the European Union Kostiantyn Yelisieiev.
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IWP also presented the results of the “First Euro exit poll.” According to the results, 17% of Euro-2012 guests from the EU countries were convinced that Ukraine is already a member of the European Union.
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The Head of the Mission of Ukraine to the European Union Kostiantyn Yelisieiev, the Member of the European Parliament Charles Tannock