Publication

KYIV December 1 The Institute of World Policy presented an expert rating “Top 10 Ukraine’s promoters in the world.”The first place went to Štefan Füle, European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy. According to the expert opinion, it was him who contributed most to the promotion of Ukraine’s interests abroad this year.

The leading three also saw one of the leading Ukrainian philanthropists Victor Pinchuk, the founder of YES (Yalta European Strategy), who scored 290 points, on the second place. The third position was shared by the Klitschko brothers who are persistently creating a positive image of Ukraine abroad. Their efforts were estimated by the experts as high as 193.5 points.

The main trend of this year’s rating was a sweeping breakthrough for the foreigners who occupied the leading positions in the list. While Ukrainians only won three positions out of ten, the Poles took five, and Czech and Swedish representatives got one position each. It could be arguably related to Ukrainian politicians’ refocusing on domestic affairs in a politically turbulent year.
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“If we analyze the top 10 this year, it can be easily renamed as “Top 10 Ukraine’s Promoters in Europe,” said Alyona Getmanchuk, Director of the Institute of World Policy. “Over a half of the people in it made it into the list precisely thanks to their wish to facilitate Ukraine’s European integration. That’s why the name of the winner is just as symbolic, European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy Štefan Füle.”

The Institute of World Policy, a Kyiv-based foreign policy think tank, issues its annual rating based on the method of expert poll encompassing 50 Ukrainian and European experts who rate the promotion of Ukraine on a 10-grade scale.
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The complete Top 10:

1. Štefan Füle, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, 334 points
2. Victor Pinchuk, philanthropist, founder of the international investment advisory group EastOne, 290 points
3. Vitali Klitschko, head of the political party “Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reforms” (UDAR), leader of the Vitali Klitschko parliamentary faction in Kyiv City Council, boxer, world heavyweight WBC title holder, and Wladimir Klitschko, boxer, world heavyweight WBO, IBF, IBO and WBA title holder, 193.5 points
4. Aleksander Kwaśniewski, President of the Republic of Poland (1995 – 2005), 118 points
5. Paweł Zalewski, Member of the European Parliament, 107 points
6. Carl Bildt, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden, 88 points
7. Yulia Tymoshenko, Bat’kivshchyna Party leader, 85 points
8. Radosław Sikorski, Minister for foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, 78 points
9. Bronisław Komorowski, President of the Republic of Poland, 58 points
10. Marek Siwiec, Member of the European Parliament, 51 points

Full text of the publication of the “Top 10 Ukraine’s promoters in the world.”
The annual expert rating of the Institute of World Policy “Top 10 Ukraine’s Promoters in the World” is a distinctive score of people who over 2011 have made the greatest effort to prevent Ukraine from disappearing off the international radar. Fifty experts from Ukraine and abroad rated over a hundred public figures and politicians, who were conveying information about Ukraine to the civilized world not only trying by their actions, but also forming its image abroad and contributing to European integration.
The IWP’s rating is primarily aimed at defining benevolent lobbyists – those who are forcing the world to speak about Ukraine on a volunteer basis, not by orders of state agencies or from political forces. Of course, most of the foreign Ukrainian lobbyists are somehow associated with certain Ukrainian business groups or foundations, in particular – Yalta European Strategy. But this does not detract from their role in the important process of shaping the international image of Ukraine.
The main trend of the current top ten is the sudden shift of the foreign representatives into the top positions. In comparison: last year Ukrainians took five of the ten positions in the “Top 10 Ukraine’s Promoters in the World”; this year there are only three among the Top 10, Victor Pinchuk, the Klitschko brothers and Yulia Tymoshenko. Perhaps the answer to this lies in the difficult situation Ukraine currently finds itself in. In this politically turbulent year for Ukraine most potential lobbyists were forced to concentrate on resolving internal Ukrainian issues, rather than transmitting signals “outside”. This imbalance can also be explained by the fact that for foreign politicians and experts, especially English-speaking ones, it is usually much easier to understand how better to integrate the word “Ukraine” in an international context, or at least the European context. After all, if we analyze this year’s top ten it could easily be renamed the “Top 10 Ukraine’s Promoters in Europe”.
More than half of the personalities represented in the Top 10 are people who have appeared in the rating precisely for their desire to promote Ukraine’s European integration. The name of the winner of our rating is quite symbolic; it is the EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy, Stefan Fule. In addition there are two EU ministers for foreign affairs, Carl Bildt (Sweden) and Radoslaw Sikorski (Poland), two MEPs (Pawel Zalewski and Marek Siwiec) and former Polish President, Aleksander Kwasniewski, who at same time heads the board of the Yalta European Strategy (YES) of the Victor Pinchuk Foundation, and Victor Pinchuk himself who this year was directing most of his energy to the European front, having organized several important communication platforms for representatives of Ukrainian authorities with important representatives of the European Union.
As for the origin of the foreign lobbyists, the lions share once again belongs to the Polish representatives, which is quite justified, in view of Warsaw’s current Presidency of the European Union in 2011.
The rating of the Institute of World Policy is a kind of an attempt to express gratitude to those who understand the strategic importance of Ukraine to Europe. To those who make every effort to alleviate the sense of fatigue from Ukraine abroad and all this despite the difficult domestic political transformations which are taking place in the country today.

Viktor Shlinchak, Chair of the Supervisory Board of the Institute of World Policy
Alyona Getmanchuk, Director of the Institute of World Policy

1. Stefan Fule, the EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy (334 points)
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Stefan Fule is certainly the protagonist of this year’s “Top 10 Ukraine’s Promoters in the World.” He is not just the only representative of the European Union’s executive bodies who hit the Top 10; he immediately managed to score the highest points from Ukrainian and foreign experts.
And this is not surprising: regardless of what the outcome of the history of initialling, signing and ratifying the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU will be, the EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy did all he could last year in order for Kyiv and Brussels to endorse a new phase in their relations, despite the anti-democratic convulsions in Ukraine itself being incompatible with the European integration.
As people in diplomatic circles say, when he came to office he told colleagues something like: “I do not just want to endure my term, I want to see real progress by the end of my tenure in this position.” Fule became part of the creation of this progress with unprecedented drive. In a short time, he not only informally became the main person responsible in the EU for Ukraine, but also practically replaced Aleksander Kwasniewski as the main moderator between Yanukovych and the EU. His lengthy meetings with the Ukrainian president were subject to detailed analysis by European politicians and diplomats at various levels. However, today some of Fule’s colleagues in the European Union accuse him of incorrectly interpreting some signals which the Commissioner received from the President of Ukraine during the aforementioned meetings. So to say, Fule forced many in the EU to believe that Yanukovych is ready to resolve Tymoshenko’s case by the decriminalization of the corresponding article of the Criminal Code.
The contact between the representative of the Czech Republic, Fule, and the Ukrainian authorities was also not affected by the tension that arose between Prague and Kyiv after the granting of asylum to the former Ukraine’s Minister of Economy, Bohdan Danylyshyn, and a further “spy scandal”, and this is despite the fact that in diplomatic circles repeated attempts were made to disseminate information about the decision on asylum for the Ukrainian official was being approved by the Czech government almost in direct coordination with the EU Commissioner.
Fule expressed attentiveness and understanding in communicating not only with Ukrainian officials, he has repeatedly initiated meetings with representatives of Ukraine’s civil society. They differed from failed meetings with other EU representatives by the fact that the Commissioner demonstrated enviable understanding of the subtleties of the internal political situation and sometimes even engaged in tough and emotional debates.
Perhaps all this is possible because Fule, as nobody in the European Union, embodies the concept of man in his place. It is difficult to avoid the temptation to emphasize how the EU’s approach to the so-called “new Eastern Europe” has changed since the German, Gunter Verheugen, and the Finn, Olli Rehn, were replaced by a Czech born representative. Undoubtedly, Fule has first-hand knowledge of how it feels to be “a man from the East” in Brussels. His fluent Russian also ensures an excellent comprehension of the local elite in Ukraine itself, as well as the meeting of minds with them. And this, as previously proved by Aleksander Kwasniewski, is more than a serious trump card for any western communicator with the Ukrainian authorities.
Fule does not face “lost in translation” as well when it comes to the psychology of a Ukrainian politician: in due time in the 80’s the future leader of the united Europe enlargement process studied at Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), and the few years which he spent in the Communist Party of the Czech Republic helped him to understand the values, ways of thinking and the culture of the post-Soviet elites more than anyone. Probably among Brussels top Eastern Europe specialists (except, perhaps, Miroslav Lajcak, the Managing Director for Russia, Eastern Neighbourhood and the Western Balkans, EU European External Action Service) you can hardly find anyone who excels Fule in both understanding how to talk with Ukraine and the desire to do it at all levels.
Iryna Herashchenko, People’s Deputy of Ukraine, Chairman of the Integration Public Information Subcommittee, Committee of European Integration, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine
“Stefan Fule as the EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy sincerely wants this year to be the year of success for Ukraine in terms of its integration into the EU. He strives to achieve positive results in signing the Association Agreement with the EU, that’s why he tries to persuade Ukraine that the ball is in its half of the court. It should be noted that Fule, a graduate of MGIMO-University, speaks Russian fluently, so he never has a language barrier in communicating with Ukrainian government officials, and personal contacts are always very important in such negotiations. He is very sociable and has contacts both among the Ukrainian authorities and the opposition. He sincerely sympathizes with Ukraine and does his best to help it on the way to Europe”.
Oksana Torop, Foreign Correspondent, Interfax-Ukraine News Agency
“Fule has repeatedly emphasized by his statements that Ukraine is a European country, and the EU’s door is open for Ukraine if it abides by European standards. He has come to Ukraine several times this year in order to understand the situation; during a meeting with Yanukovych in Yalta he actually tried to convince President Yanukovych not to deviate from the course to European integration and to reject the practice of “political prisoners”.
2. Victor Pinchuk, philanthropist, founder of the international investment advisory group EastOne (290 points)
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Since Ukraine’s Promoters in the World rating began to exist, Victor Pinchuk has been firmly entrenched in the top three. There is nothing strange about this. An annual international platform called «YES» (Yalta European Strategy) branded by Pinchuk for many years favourably distinguishes him from other Ukrainian oligarchs: none of them can provide a similar promotion campaign at such a high representative level. It is not a coincidence that the vast majority of Ukraine’s lobbyists presented in the current rating go to Yalta as guests of Pinchuk, and some of them are even included in the YES’ governing bodies. Yalta’s brand has not been shaken in 2011, not even by the story of the criminal case being set against the Pinchuk’s father-in-law, Leonid Kuchma. Most of the Ukrainian authorities’ top representatives, including President Yanukovych, were present at this year’s conference in Yalta the same as at the previous one. Kuchma’s case also failed to scare away important international participants like Israel’s President, Shimon Peres, or the UK’s ex-Prime Minister, Tony Blair.
Pinchuk’s “western” relations, they say, are still backed by “financial contracts” with influential western foundations and think tanks. Obviously, this fact is a great compensator for Leonid Kuchma’s presidency. Victor Pinchuk expertly converts his current relationships into political influence. And social initiatives (including his wife’s, Olena Pinchuk, ANTIAIDS Foundation projects) help Pinchuk to get rid of a “pragmatic post-Soviet businessman” halo. Charity concerts by world super stars like Elton John and patronage projects supporting talented Ukrainian and young foreign artists (organized by the PinchukArtCentre) only complement this image.
It is significant that Pinchuk has not slowed down his Foundation’s efforts for European integration despite the potential losses for his businesses due to creating a free trade zone between Ukraine and the EU and the announcement, by the Russian Prime Minister, Putin, of trade sanctions on Ukraine if such a free trade regime between Kyiv and Brussels existed.
Hennadiy Udovenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (1994-1998)
“Unfortunately, Pinchuk remains the only Ukrainian oligarch who regularly invites world-class politicians, scientists, journalists and businessmen to Ukraine”
Olga Shumylo-Tapiola, a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe
“Even in difficult economic times and in the period when Europe is becoming increasingly disappointed in Ukraine, Victor Pinchuk finds the strength and opportunities to hold the meeting of Yalta European Strategy – the site, where Ukrainians and Europeans speak frankly.”

3. Vitali Klitschko, the head of the political party “Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reforms” (UDAR), leader of the Vitali Klitschko parliamentary faction in Kyiv City Council, boxer, world heavyweight WBC title holder (193.5 points)

3. Wladimir Klitschko, boxer, world heavyweight WBO, IBF, IBO and WBA title holder (193.5 points)
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Wladimir and Vitali Klitschko are still probably the only sports symbol of Ukraine. Even though the older brother attempts to combine his career in sports with a political career, he is still a middle weight for now in the political ring, not a heavy weight like in boxing. Sporting success is bringing worldwide recognition and important international contacts to the Klitschko brothers, and they make use of it.
“It is the sport that has given me the opportunity to get a wealth of knowledge, contacts, experience and to meet with many influential politicians in Europe and the U.S., learn the secrets of the success of former California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, invite New York’s long serving mayor, Robert Giuliani, to Kyiv and to listen advice on reforms in Kiev from Alexander Tschappat, mayor of Bern, Switzerland” – Vitali Klitschko wrote in one of his blogs, concluding the results of his long career in the professional ring. The Klitschko brothers celebrated the 15th anniversary of their career this year. Their popularity in the world is so great that their fights now are held at football stadiums, which at times cannot accommodate all those who would like to attend.
Hennadiy Udovenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (1994-1998)
“Previously, the Klitschko brothers attracted attention with their fists. Now, Vitali also does it through political activity, as well as charity, in which Wladimir is also involved. ”
Dmytro Vydrin, out-of-staff Advisor to the President of Ukraine
“The Klitschko brothers voluntarily assumed the burden of maintaining a constant positive reminder of Ukraine in the world”
Andrzej Szeptycki, Lecturer, Institute of International Relations at Warsaw University
“People in the world do not know much about Ukraine, but the Klitschko brothers are that recognizable Ukrainian brand which is well known everywhere. Especially now, when political power in Ukraine is not working in favour of Ukraine’s positive image in the world, the Klitschko’s achievements are an apolitical source of Ukraine’s positive image which is now so badly needed”

4. Aleksander Kwasniewski, a president of the Republic of Poland (1995-2005) (118 points)
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Former Polish President Kwasniewski can be confidently awarded the title of Ukraine’s honorary life time lobbyist. Even if Kwasniewski was only occasionally visiting his friends in Ukraine, by inertia he would still be called one of the Ukraine’s main promoters in the world. He at one time created such a strong foundation in the Ukrainian-Polish relations, that, seemingly, any change of government either in Kiev or Warsaw could not destroy the link between Warsaw and Kyiv. As one of our rating’s experts noted, if by the level of attention of the United States, Ukraine remained a country of Bush, then by the level of Poland’s attention, Ukraine is a country of Kwasniewski, Kaczynski and Komorowski at same time. After the former president of Poland became the chairman of the Victor Pinchuk Yalta European Strategy, Ukraine became even more, both a business and a mission for him.
In Kwasniewski’s “Ukrainian” folder this year there are constant attempts to keep the Ukrainian subject in the field of view at various international forums and on the pages of the world press (from the “European Voice” to “The Financial Times”), mediation in organizing the first contacts between Viktor Yanukovych and Bronislaw Komorowski, an attempt to once again play the role of mediator between Kyiv and Brussels during the two-hour meeting of the former President of Poland with the current president of Ukraine on the eve of the last Yalta European Strategy forum . As always his fluent Russian was in need.
Volodymyr Kravchenko, Foreign Observer, Dzerkalo Tyzhnia

“Kwasniewski has not only a tactical but also a strategic vision for Ukraine. He uses his authority in the world to transform the attitude towards Ukraine. And although his capacities are not very serious today, because he is not in power, he, the same as Tony Blair, has the authority. That’s why even though his opinion may not always be considered, he will be always listened to”.
Hennadiy Udovenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (1994-1998)
“Even in the current internal political situation in Ukraine, Aleksander Kwasniewski unconditionally continues to advocate Ukraine’s right for association with the European Union”.
Anatoliy Lutsenko, Director, GMT Group

“Kwasniewski is an important Ukraine promoter first of all because he is a person who is accepted in Europe and America. Moreover, he is not only recognizable as a political figure, but also well informed about events in Ukraine. He is a constant communicator, who also maintains contacts with all groups of the Ukrainian elite”.
5. Pawel Zalewski, a Member of the European Parliament, 107 points
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Pawel Zalewski, hitting the European Parliament, learned the golden rule of American PR well: “It is not enough to be a good guy, everybody must know about it”. Whatever Mr. Zalewski does in the Ukrainian direction, happens with the maximum involvement of, if not tele- or photo- cameras then social networks.
Such a mixture of activity and publicity has almost completely rehabilitated the name of Pawel Zalewski over this year in political and expert circles as one of the initiators of the European Parliament resolution, resonant in Ukraine, containing sharp criticism for awarding Stepan Bandera a title of Hero of Ukraine; rehabilitated to such an extend that one of the experts we interviewed even said that it is time for the Ukrainian authorities to think about a medal for Zalewski.
In Ukrainian affairs the MEP from Poland is not a new man. It was Mr. Zalewski who initiated the creation of a Ukrainian-Polish group in the Polish Sejm after Ukraine gained independence. But this year the MEP’s activity in the Ukrainian direction has got an unprecedented momentum. His personal page on the social network Facebook, available in Ukrainian, Polish and English, testifies that his parliamentary activities are almost entirely devoted to Ukrainian affairs.
Unlike other European bureaucrats, Pawel Zalewski regularly visits Ukraine, and not only Kyiv. In recent years he also became a regular participant of the Yalta European Strategy Forum. He maintains an active dialogue with both the Ukrainian government (for example, he became the coordinator of International Relations Advisory Board under the Ministry of Agrarian Policy of Ukraine) and Ukrainian civil society. In September, he organized a round table discussion at the Polish Embassy in Kyiv with representatives of Ukrainian civil society. On the eve of the European Parliament resolution on Ukraine in November 2011, which had a direct impact on future of Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU initialling, Zalewski initiated actions to support the European aspirations of Ukraine in three cities at once, in Kyiv, Warsaw and Strasbourg. In addition, he invited several Ukrainian experts and activists on European integration to Strasbourg, so they could convey from their own lips the importance of supporting Ukraine’s European vector, despite the presence of anti-democratic processes in Kyiv. In the list of achievements of this European official there is the creation of a group supporting Ukraine in the European Parliament, opening of a contact office in Kyiv and regular interviews and comments in the media on the topic of Ukraine’s European integration. Whatever prompted the MEP to patronize Ukrainian affairs, Mr. Zalewski actually became an unofficial “speaker” of European Parliament on Ukraine’s issues and the successor of “Ukrainian mission” of other Polish MEPs, for example, Pawel Kowal and Michal Kaminski.
Sydorenko Serhiy, European Observer, Kommersant

“Zalewski is not a single Member of the EP, who lobbies for the interests of Ukraine, but lately he is the most active one. Whatever his reasons are, a genuine love for Ukraine or the desire to increase his own popularity among Polish voters – his efforts are in favour of Ukraine”.

Viktoria Gumeniuk, Director of the European Programme, NGO “Center UA”

“Pawel Zalewski is cooperating very actively with civil society in Ukraine, regularly raising the issue of Ukraine in the EP International Trade Committee, where he is the vice-president”.

6. Carl Bildt, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden (88 points)
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The Swedish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carl Bildt, is the only person in this year’s lobbyists rating who is neither Ukrainian nor native to Central and Eastern Europe. Either sense of responsibility for the “Eastern Partnership” initiative once initiated by Sweden and Poland, or successfully established communication with the Victor Pinchuk Foundation did not allow Bildt to let Ukraine out of his field of vision. His active participation in the Victor Pinchuk Foundation’s events (in Davos and Yalta), informal visits to Ukraine with his Polish counterpart Radoslaw Sikorski, which have already become a tradition and include communication not only with top Ukrainian politicians but also with the top Ukrainian oligarchs, and publications on Ukrainian issues in the international press – to name just a few of Carl Bildt’s Ukrainian groundwork in 2011. Some of his thesis, in particular, that Ukraine with its potential should claim the role of a kind of a European China, has become a catch phrase in core expert and diplomatic gatherings.
Minister Bildt’s voice started to sound especially loudly when criminal cases against opposition politicians in Ukraine began to threaten her rapprochement to the EU. Immediately after the arrest of Ukraine’s former Prime Minister, YuliaTymoshenko, Bildt’s article “Ukraine must not falter from EU path” was republished by key world media. Even in October 2011, when the EU’s mood regarding Ukraine reached the critical level of misunderstanding and rejection, the Swedish Minister in an interview with Ukraine’s “5th channel” urged his European colleagues to give Ukraine time to overcome internal problems, clearly following his crown message: “Ukraine must be in the European community”. Let us assume that it is far from being easy for Bildt today to keep such a line towards Ukraine even in his own country, not to mention partners in the EU: Sweden is principled and inexorable not only in support of Ukraine’s European intentions but also in defending democratic values and human rights.

Thomas Weihe, Deputy Head of the Board on International Cooperation, Victor Pinchuk Foundation
“Carl Bildt for many years was constantly explaining to citizens and politicians in the EU why Ukraine is important to the European Union. He made it clear that this strategic issue must never be lost in daily political affairs. As one of the most active and most modern European politicians with an unusual gift of explaining global changes and their consequences for Europe, he was very successful in conveying this message”.
Volodymyr Fesenko, Head, Center of Applied Political Studies “Penta”
“Carl Bildt is not only a Swedish but also European politician. Unlike many diplomats, he is not afraid to publicly express his opinion by actively using not only traditional sites but also social networks like Twitter”.

7. Yulia Tymoshenko, Batkivshchyna Party Leader , 85 points
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“The former Princess of Orange Maidan”, “Joan of Arc”, “the woman with a plait”… The image of the former Prime Minister, who has found herself behind bars this year, has not been coming down from the pages of influential foreign newspapers, which have been writing, sometimes perhaps too sympathetic towards the former prime minister, about the situation in which she has found herself. Without delving into the details of the trial, the myth about Yulia Tymoshenko, who is often compared to “Russian Khodorkovsky” these days, is now living his own life in the West (after all, in Russia as well). The “Tymoshenko factor” has long gone beyond banal “commercial showdown” in court, it became an important factor in promoting/non-promoting Ukraine towards the European Union, and the prospect of this process depends on the position of the Ukrainian authorities, in particular, concerning the future of the former Prime Minister.
Actually, given such an interconnection, many experts interviewed by the IWP, admitted that they had a serious dilemma with their vision of Yulia Tymoshenko in our rating. On the one hand, no one this year has done as much as her for the constant attraction of the world’s attention to Ukraine. On the other hand it is an attention with a negative charge, although the ex-Prime Minister’s own fault in this is minimal. It is also clear that some of the points given to Yulia Tymoshenko, in fact are the points supporting her as “political prisoner” and not a promoter of Ukraine in the world. What the most popular opposition leader really deserves to be paid tribute for is the appeal of the ex-Prime Minister to the European Union to conclude the Association Agreement with Ukraine, despite her stay behind bars.
Victor Chumak, Director, Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy

“In comparison with other political forces in Ukraine, the party of Yulia Tymoshenko has particularly close relations both with European leaders in Brussels and with Western political parties like the CDU in Germany or the UMP in France”.

Alexander Rahr, Director of the Russia-Eurasia programme, the German Council on Foreign Affairs
“From among all Ukrainian politicians Tymoshenko’s name is mentioned the most in the western press, especially over the last three months. The fact that the EU essentially puts the dependence of the Association Agreement with Ukraine to the outcome of her life shows how much weight her figure bears in Europe”.

8. Radoslaw Sikorski, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland (78 points)
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For the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Radoslaw Sikorski, who was intellectually and politically formed in the West, Ukraine has hardly ever been a main subject of interest, and generally everything situated to the East of Poland. But Sikorski, an extremely ambitious and pragmatic politician, immediately understood that without a “success story” in the Ukrainian direction it would be hardly possible to create a “success story” of the “Eastern Partnership”, the favourite child of Polish foreign policy, and for which Sikorski as the Minister for Foreign Affairs is directly responsible. Without success in the Ukrainian direction the Polish presidency of the EU is unlikely to be considered successful. The success of Poland’s foreign policy is also the success of Radoslaw Sikorski, the Minister with presidential ambitions. This pragmatic approach only plays into the hands of Ukraine.
In particular, with regard to its convergence with the EU, it is on the presidency of Poland in the Council of Ministers of the European Union that the Ukraine-EU summit falls, at which, as expected, the long-suffering Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU will be initialled. In order to make it possible, Sikorski tried to involve all possible mechanisms of Poland’s foreign policy. It was the Polish Minister, in his own admission, who asked Aleksander Kwasniewski to go on a mission to Kyiv to conduct the necessary explanatory conversation with Viktor Yanukovych on the relationship between Ukrainian European integration and the arrest of Yulia Tymoshenko. He himself still at the summit of “Eastern Partnership” in Warsaw realized the importance for the EU not to cross the “red line” in public criticism of Yanukovych, focusing on the benefits that Ukraine will get as result of the Association Agreement with the European Union in his speech, but not on the Tymoshenko’s case. This did not mean that Sikorski had lost hope to influence the Ukrainian authorities in the case of the convicted former prime minister. His visit to Donetsk with Carl Bildt for a “Shakhtar” match is an eloquent proof that the young Polish politician has not been seriously infected by “fatigue from Ukraine”. And a non-diplomatically formulated and clearly addressed to the Ukrainian president replica in which Polish minister noticed that when you bargain with somebody you may overestimate your capacity, shows how difficult even for him it is to counter this widespread “virus” in the EU.
Volodymyr Ohryzko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (2007-2009)
“Radoslaw Sikorski has found the balance of personal, national and strategic European interests, concluding that Ukraine in Europe is a plus for Ukraine itself, for Poland and for the EU. For a long time he has not only actively supported European but also Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine”.

Inna Pidluska, Executive Director Deputy, International Renaissance Foundation

“Radoslaw Sikorski is one of the proponents of reforming the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), distinction of “eastern” and “southern” vectors to “European neighbours” and “neighbours of Europe” and strengthening the “ideological” loading of the ENP”.

9. Bronislaw Komorowski, President of the Republic of Poland (58 points)
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It would probably be strange if among the top ten Ukraine lobbyists there was no current president of Poland, a country that itself is a promoter of a positive perception of Ukraine in the world and, in particular, its European integration. On the one hand, it is revealing that it is Bronislaw Komorowski, not the Prime Minister, Donald Tusk, who entered our rating, although the latter has been in office much longer and had more opportunities to prove himself. It is probably due to Tusk’s detachment from foreign affairs and his focus on the pre-election campaign in Poland itself. And, perhaps, the modern stereotype in the Ukrainian expert and political circles about Tusk’s misunderstanding of the concept that in the Polish foreign policy Russia-Ukraine duet it is necessary that the latter comes first.
On the other hand, it is also significant that Komorowski is only in ninth position on our top ten list. Some Ukrainian experts explain that this state of affairs is due to the fact that, unlike the former president of Poland, Komorowski has no feeling of a special mission of Poland towards Ukraine.
Nevertheless, it was Komorowski who played the major violin so that the pause in the Ukrainian-Polish relations, which was spontaneously formed after the death of former president Lech Kaczynski, did not drag on too long. He took the first steps to establish contact with the Ukrainian president by visiting Ukraine several times after being elected president and this despite the fact that the invitation to visit Poland, Yanukovych himself only fulfilled practically a year after taking over as president.
The Polish Presidency in the EU coincided with crucial talks between Ukraine and the EU on a free trade zone and an association with Ukraine. Warsaw had to resort to diplomatic miracles in dealing with both Ukrainian and European partners, for the announced rapprochement between Kyiv and Brussels in the form of initialling the Agreement between Ukraine and the EU still to happen during the Polish Presidency. In circles close to the Polish government, they say that even possible ideas for ways out of the situation which arose in litigation over Tymoshenko (in particular – decriminalization of the relevant article of the Criminal Code), are also a product of Polish creativity.
Komorowski not only actively tried to promote Ukraine in the European direction, at least one, but very indicative attempt of him to establish an important communication platform between the President of Ukraine and U.S. President Barack Obama took place last year at the summit of Central and Eastern Europe in Warsaw in May. The President of Poland almost literally took the Ukrainian president by hand to the U.S. president to once again introduce Yanukovych to Obama and emphasize the need for dialogue with Ukraine.

Viktor Nebozhenko, Director, Sociological Service “Ukrainian Barometer”
“Poland must prove its necessity for Europe and for this it needs to get rid of ambitions for being Ukraine’s attorney and assume the function of an intermediary. After all, official Kyiv constantly gives Brussels reasons to feel uncomfortable, putting the European Union in an awkward position. In such conditions new formats of cooperation and communication arise, such as the recent meeting of the presidents of Poland, Germany and Ukraine in Wroclaw. Someone should perform this work and Poland is best suited for it. Major efforts in this regard primarily belong to the President Bronislaw Komorowski”.
Yuriy Onyshkiv, Foreign Observer, Kyiv Post

“In recent months, Bronislaw Komorowski tried hard to bring Viktor Yanukovych to informal negotiations, the outcome of which would allow the elimination of the main obstacles in Ukraine’s European integration, including the case of Yulia Tymoshenko. This includes a meeting held on the Baltic coast of Poland at the end of August, and the recent meeting in Wroclaw. Ukraine’s European integration is within Poland’s foreign policy priorities, that’s why the Poles are also trying to influence the position of other European countries, including Germany”.
10. Marek Siwiec, a Member of the European Parliament (51 points)
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It seems as if Marek Siwiec, this year to date, has not put much effort for promoting Ukraine in the world. Rather, experts interviewed by the IWP continue to remember the MEP Marek Siwiec by inertia. In addition, by certain duties Siwiec is a member of the Ukraine-EU Parliamentary Cooperation Committee. The name of the MEP appears frequently in the media in connection with the Ukrainian affairs, not only thanks to his comments but also his own blog on the European news agency EurActiv and articles in the Polish press. In addition, he speaks Russian, and it provides free access to the Ukrainian media. But most importantly, Marek Siwiec is a board member of Yalta European Strategy. For him this means that as for other foreign politicians and experts related with the Victor Pinchuk Foundation, Ukraine has become if not permanent but still work. They have to navigate in Ukraine’s internal policy processes, visit the country, communicate with both government officials and representatives of expert environments, and to defend Ukraine’s right to prospective EU membership.

Inna Pidluska, Executive Director Deputy, International Renaissance Foundation
“Marek Siwiec puts effort into the process of the Europeanization of the Ukraine’s Party of Regions through its collaboration with the “Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats”.

Experts polled by the Institute of World Policy

1. Balanutsa Oleksandr, Deputy Director, International Foundation “United World”
2. Bezsmertnyi Roman, former Ambassador of Ukraine to Belarus
3. Chumak Viktor, Director, Ukrainian Institute for Public Policy
4. Emerson Michael, Associate Senior Research Fellow, Center for European Political Studies
5. Fesenko Volodymyr, Head, Center for Applied Political Studies “Penta”
6. Filipchuk Vasyl, Director, Directorate General for the European Union, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine
7. Getmanchuk Alyona, Director, Institute of World Policy
8. Gumeniuk Viktoria, Head of European Program, NGO “Center UA”
9. Herashchenko Iryna, People’s Deputy of Ukraine, Chairman of the Integration Public Information Subcommittee, Committee of European Integration, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine
10. Ionova Mariya, Foreign Affairs Advisor to Vitali Klitschko
11. Karatnycky Adrian, Associate Senior Research Fellow, US Atlantic Council
12. Klympush-Tsyntsadze Ivanna, Executive Director, Yalta European Strategy
13. Kovats Roland, Director, Ukraine National Initiatives to Enhance Reforms (UNITER)
14. Kozhara Leonid, People’s Deputy of Ukraine, Deputy Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine
15. Kravchenko Volodymyr, Foreign Observer, Dzerkalo Tyzhnia
16. Kuznetsov Boris, Director, Russian Center of International and Regional Policy
17. Latsyba Maksym, Program Director, Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research
18. Lutsenko Anatoliy, Director, GMT Group
19. Lymar Yulia, Editor-in-Chief, Glavcom.ua
20. Martsynovskyi Anatoliy, Observer, Hazeta po-ukrayinsky
21. Mykhalniuk Taras, Director, Open Ukraine Foundation
22. Nebozhenko Viktor, Director, Sociological Service “Ukrainian Barometer”
23. Nemtsov Boris, Co-Chairman, Russian Democratic Opposition Movement “Solidarnost”, former Advisor to the President of Ukraine
24. Ohryzko Volodymyr, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (2007 – 2009)
25. Onyshkiv Yuriy, Foreign Observer, Kyiv Post
26. Pidluska Inna, Executive Director Deputy, International Renaissance Foundation
27. Popescu Nicu, Senior Research Fellow, European Council on Foreign Relations
28. Rahr Alexander, “Russia – Eurasia” Program Director, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
29. Ryabov Andrei, Scholar-in-Residence, Moscow Carnegie Center
30. Severinsen Hanne, Rapporteur of Monitoring Committee, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (1995 – 2007)
31. Shcherba Oleksandr, Ambassador-at-large, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine
32. Shlinchak Viktor, Chair of the Supervisory Board, Institute of World Policy
33. Shumylo-Tapiola Olga, Visiting Scholar, Carnegie Europe
34. Siruk Mykola, Foreign Desk Editor, Den
35. Solonenko Iryna, European Program Director, International Renaissance Foundation
36. Stachetti Carina, Head of the Russia, Ukraine and Eurasia Desk, Directorate for Strategic Affairs, French Ministry of Defense
37. Sushko Oleksandr, Research Director, Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
38. Sydorenko Serhiy, European Observer, Kommersant
39. Szeptycki Andrzej, Lecturer, Institute of International Relations of the University of Warsaw
40. Torop Oksana, Foreign Correspondent, Interfax-Ukraine News Agency
41. Udovenko Hennadiy, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (1994-1998)
42. Umland Andreas, Researcher, Associate Professor at the Chair for Political Science, NaUKMA
43. Vasylyk Myron, Senior Vice President and Managing Director for Ukraine, PBN
44. Veresen’ Mykola, Journalist, TV Presenter
45. Vydrin Dmytro, Out-of-Staff Advisor to the President of Ukraine
46. Weihe Thomas, Deputy Head of the Board on International Cooperation, Viktor Pinchuk Foundation
47. Wilson Andrew, Senior Policy Fellow, European Council on Foreign Relations
48. Yatseniuk Terezia, Head of Supervisory Council, Open Ukraine Foundation
49. Zarembo Kateryna, Deputy Director, Institute of World Policy
50. Zhovnirenko Pavlo, Expert, Center for Strategic Studies